UNPAID CARE WORK FOCUS GROUP DISCUSSION

Results of the Focus Group Disscussion under the WEZESHA JAMII project suggested that there have been an improvement in general sharing of domestic work activities by both men and women at the household level. However, a general understanding also emerged that men are more comfortable participating in care work but would not want to be instructed by their women to carry out the activities. There was also a unanimous agreement that several infrastructures needed to be put in place in order to lighten the burden of care work at household as well as address other challenges experienced as a result of man-made and natural disasters

Findings of Care work Report 2015
This study involved women domestic workers, small scale traders as well as men. The following were some of the

general findings of the study;
• Care work gives a sense of self satisfaction and enabling of functions of families and communities
• Care work is done to sustain life though it is not recognized
• Care work is not recognised because it is invisible and difficult to quantify
• Most domestic care work activities were considered as women’s chores and that women are seen as best suited to

perform them. Changes in roles would cause disharmony
• Study on gender, notes that social construction does not allow men to undertake some care work
• Congestion in slums hinder men from doing care work
• Men also fear reaction from neighbours if they assist in care work
• Male small scale traders spend 1.5 times more in a week compared to female in paid work, conversely females spend 65.2 and males 29.2 in unpaid care work
• Male domestic workers spend 35 hours in paid work compared to 15 hours spent by females
Emerging issues in the care work study report
• Due to hard prevailing economic conditions, men help their spouses in care work especially where a man may have lost his job and the wife is the sole bread winner for the family
• It also emerged that men do not mind doing care work when they feel like, however they find it offensive when instructions on care work comes from their wives

World Bank Internship Program for University Graduates

Chisom Chukwudinma | December 4, 2015

The World Bank Group Internship offers highly motivated and successful individuals an opportunity to improve their skills while working in a diverse environment. Interns generally find the experience to be rewarding and interesting.

To be eligible for the internship, candidates must possess an undergraduate degree and already be enrolled in a full-time graduate study program (pursuing a Master’s degree or PhD with plans to return to school in a full-time capacity). Generally, successful candidates have completed their first year of graduate studies or are already into their PhD programs.

This internship typically seeks candidates in the following fields: economics, finance, human development (public health, education, nutrition, population), social science (anthropology, sociology), agriculture, environment, private sector development, as well as other related fields. Fluency in English is required. Prior relevant work experience, computing skills, as well as knowledge of languages such as French, Spanish, Russian, Arabic, Portuguese, and Chinese are advantageous.

Benefits:
The Bank Group pays an hourly salary to all interns and, where applicable, provides an allowance towards travel expenses. Interns are responsible for their own living accommodations. Most positions are located in Washington, D.C. (some positions are offered in country offices) and are a minimum of four weeks in duration.

The Bank Group’s Internship is offered during two seasons, and applications are accepted during the following periods:

Summer Internship (June–September)
The application period for the Summer Internship is December 1–January 31 each year.

Winter Internship (December–March)
The application period for the Winter Internship is October 1–31. All applications MUST be submitted online. Applications submitted after the deadline will not be considered.

Application Checklist
The application checklist is meant to facilitate your application experience.

  • Ensure that you use either Google Chrome, Mozilla Firefox, Apple Safari, or Internet Explorer 10 or higher as your browser version.
  • You will be asked to register for an account and provide an email address.
  • You must complete your application in a single session and will be able to submit it only if you have uploaded all the required documents and answered all the questions (all questions marked with an asterisk-*- are mandatory).
  • Provide the most current contact information.
  • Ensure that you have correctly spelled out your email address, since this will be our main channel of communication with you regarding your candidacy.
  • Remember to enter your complete phone number (country code + city code + number).
  • Please attach the following documents (mandatory) before submitting:
  • Curriculum Vitae (CV)
  • Statement of Interest
  • Proof of Enrollment in a graduate degree

Note: Each file should not exceed 5 MB, and should be in one of the following formats: .doc, .docx, or .pdf

Once you submit your application, you will not be able to make any further changes/updates.

For more Information and how to Apply, Please click here

Kenya has become a “bandit economy”, says Chief Justice Willy Mutunga

According to Kenya’s chief justice, Willy Mutunga, the country’s citizens are at war with mafia-style cartels run by political bosses and corrupt business people. He says that Kenya harbours mafia-style criminals similar to Al Capone’s mob in 1920s America, and that this “cartel collects millions every day”.

In a recent interview with Dutch newspaper, NRC Handelsblad, the respected Mutunga claims that corruption stretches from the very bottom to the very top of society. He says, for instance, that a Kenyan policeman who extorts a bribe from a motorist must share the booty with the head of the local station, who in turn shares the money with superiors possibly all the way up to police chiefs in Nairobi. Larger cartels, he explains, make money through trafficking illegal migrants, counterfeit money, weapons, drugs and consumer goods.

Mutunga, 69, has been nicknamed ‘the Robin Hood of the Kenyan judiciary’. The son of a tailor, he rose up the system through talent and sheer determination. Previously a left-wing academic, he stood up against the dictatorship of President Daniel arap Moi, leading to Mutunga’s dismissal from the university and a prison sentence in 1982. After the end of Kenya’s one-party state in 1991, Mutunga became president of the Law Society of Kenya and chair of the Kenyan Human Rights Commission. After the election violence of 2007/8, which claimed more than a thousand casualties, Kenyans demanded fundamental reforms. Mutunga was made Chief Justice and President of the Supreme Court and was tasked with reorganising the judiciary. The heads of corrupt judges began to roll.

Nevertheless, Mutunga claims corruption in Kenya has never been worse than today.

“The influence of the cartels is overwhelming,” he says. “They are doing illegal business with politicians. If we do not fight the cartels, we become their slaves. But leaders who do take on the cartels must be prepared to be killed or exiled.”

Mutunga is averse to the pomp, wealth and self-regard that is the hallmark of many Kenyan politicians. His defence of gay rights and an ornamental stud in his earlobe meanwhile have caused some political turbulence. “We do not want a Chief Justice with a decorative button to communicate with unseen spirits,” quipped Deputy President William Ruto some years back.

Despite now being a member of the establishment, however, Mutunga doesn’t hesitate to criticise the government and parliament. “Yes, I am now at the top. I’m riding a tiger, hoping that the monster will not devour me,” he says. “But as long as I fight the cartels and they are protected, you cannot achieve anything. You are taking these people into a corrupt investigating system, through a corrupt anti-corruption system, and a corrupt judiciary.”

“If our constitution and the clause Chapter 6 about corruption were being implemented, I am sure 80% of [politicians] would not be suitable for political leadership,” he adds.

Shadows versus the state

According to Mutunga, weak state structures in African countries create space for criminal networks to operate, especially when these groups operate along ethnic loyalties. Cartels collaborate with politicians and military leaders, gaining huge influence and sometimes overshadowing the government itself.

“Globally, according to the World Economic Forum, this illicit economy that includes counterfeit is worth $3.5 trillion,” says Mutunga. “In Kenya, the counterfeit economy is worth $1.2 billion annually according to the Kenya Association of Manufacturers. It has got involved in supporting politicians in a big way.”

The Chief Justice brings up the example of the $3.8 billion railway construction contract the government signed with a Chinese state enterprise in which the bid was limited to that single company.

“We should have divided it up with different companies so that our interests would be paramount. Now we deal only with the Chinese,” he says, before going on to explain why the bidding process might have kept so restricted.

“The deal we have is based on commission. Guys are saying: we just had expensive elections where we spent 10 billion Kenya Shillings ($100m). We have to get it from somewhere. Or we have to think about the election in 2017 and we need a war chest. So you have all that stealing. We have become a bandit economy. Africa after 50 years of independence, after looting of resources, has become stuck. Inequality is also stuck”.

Are these powerful cartels going to challenge the state itself?

“What happens now in Kenya with corruption has become a very serious war between cartels. Whenever there is a change of government, some cartels benefit and others lose out. And those that lose out don’t go out quietly. And that is where the judiciary comes in, because the losers come to court and say: ‘under the constitution, this tender for the railroad did not have public participation, it was single sourcing, it was corrupt’.”

Mutunga gives another example. The Kenyan army has been combating the Islamist militant group al-Shabaab in southern Somalia since 2011. And this fight is not without its individual winners. A smuggling ring controls the Somali port city of Kismayo according to a UN report, and a recent publication by Journalists for Justice reveals that under the protection of the Kenyan army, traders (some with links to al-Shabaab) smuggle all kinds of Asian electronics, sugar, food and drugs into Kenya. The scam reportedly yields between one and two million dollars every month. “When a racket as in Kismayo prevails, what is the role of the state?” asks Mutunga.

Have these shadow networks even taken over state power in some countries?

“That debate has been raging for some time in Africa. In Mali, the government lost its control. Boko Haram in Nigeria and al-Shabaab in Somalia have taken over large portions of the state. There, the state lost its legitimacy. In Kenya, we almost got to it with Mungiki [a violent Kikuyu secret society]. They started policing slum areas and bus routes, taxing people in return for security. They were allowed that by the state, particularly the Kikuyu elite. When there was a fallout, the state went after them and literally killed them. They were hunted down like rats, because they were all known.”

And now we fight it out

Mutunga hopes for a new generation of politicians which can take on and fight the cartels.

“The connection between cartels and politicians must be broken,” he says. “The newly-elected Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari gives me hope. He must fight against many cartels, like the oil cartel. The status quo is deeply rooted. But there comes a time when the leaders have to say ‘And now we fight it out’.”

In Kenya, President Uhuru Kenyatta has recently been making noises that he is prepared to take up this struggle too, and Mutunga suggests that the 2017 elections “may well be fought on issues of corruption and jurisprudence”.

However, with many in Kenya yet to be convinced by Kenyatta’s speeches about tackling corruption, is the president sincere?

“I can tell you that whenever President Uhuru talks about cartels he is angry, maybe because the cartels are messing up his political programme or that he genuinely wants to dismantle them,” says Mutunga. “I see he is serious”.

Koert Lindijer is the Africa correspondent for the Dutch newspaper NRC Handelsblad.

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